A research account based on field interviews conducted in Bhopalgarh, Kharna, Asop, Bawariyon ki Dhani, Muklawas, Jodhpur, Balotra & Barmer,  Rajasthan, checked against published historical and craft research.

Among a group of villages in Rajasthan's Jodhpur district, the humble checkered cotton skirt, Jatta Saada, that women used to wear everyday is vanishing. 

Interviews in Bhopalgarh, Kharna, Asop, Bawariyon ki Dhani and Muklawas traced the chequered cloth's story from its medieval folk hero roots, via a wool weaving tradition, to a twentieth century trade in looms and contracts. The four weavers based in Bhopalgarh, Sahdev Ji, Mangilal Ji, Hiralal Ji, and Badrinath Ji provided most of the technical detail, with Sahdev Ji standing out as the most forthcoming about the mechanics of production and the sale and purchase of this cloth. A fifth Bhopalgarh weaver, Phularam Ji, and the women who wore the Sada to field and well, and a local journalist in the area all contributed to a detailed mosaic. 

The connection to the folk hero Teja Ji, and the migration of wool-weavers from Rajasthan to Kutch are both supported by published research, encyclopedic articles and research papers. Other details, including specific local variations to the design, a village name, or the weight of the cloth, are unique to the oral history. Both kinds of details are useful, but a distinction must be made between them - hence this note.

Folktales

The Jat community men and women interviewed for this article, and the weavers Sahdev Ji in particular, connected the cloth to the folk hero Teja Ji, through a legend about the origins of the woven textiles that is popular across Rajasthan, Haryana and Madhya Pradesh.

Teja Ji is not merely a folk hero; he was a very real historical figure, belonging to the Jat Dhaulya gotra. His father, Chaudhary Tahar (also spelt Taharji or Thiraraj) and his mother Ramkunwari were both devout worshippers of Lord Shiva, and belonged to the village of Kharnal in Nagaur district of present day Rajasthan.

In this legend, young Teja Ji was married as a child, but remained unaware of his marriage until he had grown older. When his mother finally told him and asked him to go to his wife’s village of Paner to bring her home, he encountered Lachha Gujri, who told him that bandits had raided her village and stolen her cattle. True to the heart of a Rajasthani Jat, Teja Ji set out to recover them. On his journey, he came across a snake trapped in a burning bush and freed it with his spear. The snake, angered at being saved from what it believed was certain death, threatened to bite him, but Teja Ji asked it to wait until he had fulfilled his promise to return the cattle. The snake agreed.

Teja Ji eventually caught the bandits and recovered the cattle, but returned covered in injuries from the fight. True to his word, he went back to the snake and offered himself to be bitten. Finding no uninjured part of his body except his tongue, the snake blessed him before biting him, declaring that anyone who invoked Teja Ji’s name or tied a sacred thread in his name would be cured of snakebite. Teja Ji is said to have died on 28 August 1103 CE, after which his horse, Leelan, carried the news of his death back to his family.

The weavers connected this legend to the origins of the Jatta Sada because, they claimed, it was Teja Ji's mother, Ramkunwari, who first wore the cloth. The cloth worn by her, known as a Dhabla is a heavy woollen wrap, which the weavers claimed to be the ancestor of the Jatta Sada.

All the weavers of the Jatta Sada belong to the Meghwal community. Sahdev Ji said that they traced their lineage to saint Kabir Das, who was a weaver by profession, as well as a widely revered spiritual leader. According to Sahdev Ji, the Meghwal community had a rich tradition of such saintly weavers, and many of the famed saints in the community's history were weavers by profession such as saint, Kishdandas Ji of Tankla village in Nagaur district, who was also a weaver by profession, and who lived at approximately the same time as Kabir Das

The Dhabla: A Woollen Ancestor

It appears that the Dhabla is not merely a legend. Published research on the history of textiles in India shows that it was a known woollen wrap, best known today as the traditional Rabari shawl of Kutch. Research published in the Journal of Textile Science & Fashion Technology traces the history of the Dhabla in Kutch to the migration of weavers from the Vankar or Meghwal communities, earlier known as the Rajasthan Meghwals, into Kutch, roughly 500-600 years ago. These weavers are said to have settled in Kutch among the Ahir and Rabari communities who raised sheep but knew nothing of weaving, and a mutually beneficial trade began between the Vankar weavers and the Ahir-Rabari herders, eventually leading to the production of the Dhabla as it is known today.

According to the published research, the traditional Dhabla was a 4.5x8' woollen cloth, weighing between 2.5-3 kg and woven tightly enough that neither rain nor air could pass through it.

The weavers described a similar, but heavier Dhabla worn exclusively by Jat and Bishnoi brides in Rajasthan, of roughly 3-5 kg. This is the point at which the published information and the oral information diverge, but it is important to highlight this divergence. The published information does not mention a separate bridal variation of the Dhabla worn exclusively by brides. The Dhabla in Kutch today is worn primarily by men and women of the Ahir and Rabari communities. This variation in weight, 3-5 kg is only testified to by the weavers and wearers interviewed.

Due to the narrow width of hand looms, weavers of the time would often create two narrower panels and join them together with a decorative hand stitch to create a single wider cloth. This is a common feature in the shawls of Kutch, and is known locally as machi-kandha or khelavni, and is also otherwise referred to as the fish stitch. Sahdev Ji and the women interviewed from the Jat community described a similar stitching technique, which they referred to by a different local name, Khilan.

From Wool to Cotton: The Birth of the Jatta Sada

A 3-5 kg woollen skirt is a very heavy thing to work, walk, carry water and farm in, especially in the dry heat of Rajasthan. Once trade routes opened up, and coarse cotton cloth became cheap and easily available, women of the area readily switched to using a lighter, breathable, easily washed cotton cloth, according to the weavers interviewed.

The demand for the coarse Dhabla, however, did not die, but simply moved upmarket; it was considered a special cloth, reserved for the wedding day and worn during the Pheras, the ritual circling around the sacred fire, as well as during the Muklawas - the ritual of leaving the parental home for the husband's home, as a visible sign of having brought one's family's heritage with one. The everyday wear Sada made from a coarse hand woven cotton chequered cloth, in turn, took the place of the Dhabla, in a similar entry level price range. As manufacturing techniques advanced and mills came up, the Sada has since transitioned into a mill made of polyester, nylon or georgette saree and ghagra combination that did not require ironing, could be dried in the sun, and retained its colour. The weavers connected this shift in fabric to the industrialisation of the textile mills in India in the mid to late twentieth century.

As per informants, the everyday cotton checkered Sada has since vanished from common use, surviving only as part of a bride's trousseau, as part of the Pehravni/Muklwas ritual, in a small number of elderly wearers, and within the Muklawa bundle that contains the clothes a woman wears when she moves permanently to her husband's home, at some point after the wedding.

The tradition behind this later ritual of the delayed move is known as Gauna and is common in northern India; it is a child marriage-related ritual marking where a bride's move into her husband's home is delayed, often until several years after the wedding.

The above image shows a distinctive form of desert clothing that reflects an adaptation to the harsh climatic conditions of Rajasthan. The garment demonstrates how traditional clothing was modified to make it more comfortable and practical for everyday life in the desert, while still retaining the appearance and character of regional dress. Traditionally, Dhablas were made entirely from wool obtained from locally reared sheep. While wool provided warmth and protection, using it throughout the garment also made the Dhabla heavy and bulky, particularly around the waist. For someone wearing the garment for long periods and carrying out physically demanding work, this additional weight could make it uncomfortable and restrictive.

To address this, a sectioned construction began to be adopted several decades ago, combining different materials within the same garment. The upper portion, particularly around the waist, was made from a lighter cotton fabric. Replacing the wool in this area reduced the overall bulk and weight of the garment, making it more comfortable around the body and allowing greater ease of movement. This was especially important in the hot desert environment, where clothing needed to accommodate continuous physical activity and movement while remaining comfortable throughout the day.

At the same time, the lower portion of the garment continued to be made from the thick, heavier wool. Retaining wool only in the lower section served a practical purpose: its additional weight helped keep the garment grounded and prevented it from lifting or moving excessively in the strong desert winds. In this way, the garment became lighter and less tiring to wear while still retaining the functional qualities of wool where they were most needed. The combination of cotton and wool therefore represents a practical adaptation of an existing textile tradition, balancing comfort, mobility, climate and stability without losing the visual identity of the traditional Dhabla.

In a village called Hodu an older woman made a skirt using a machine-printed ‘katar’ motif in polyester for the upper part of the skirt, which makes the clothes cheaper and faster to make. This also gives the skirt a look with bright colors. This shows that traditional clothes can change and adapt to ideas and materials while still being a part of the community's heritage.

Colour, Marriage, and Mourning

One fascinating insight from the interviews was what the wearers of the Sada described as the special significance attached to particular colors for different occasions.

For a married woman, otherwise known as a suhagin, the preferred combination was a Sada worn with a bright yellow Pila veil. The Pila, in turn, was decorated with a zari border attached at edge , with a yellow background, a red bandhani border and a Mochur ( a big dandelion ) Bandhani tie dyed in red; a circular motif at the centre . The Sadas worn as a part of the Muklawa trousseau, for a bride, tended to use richer greens, vermilion and saffron. The Sada worn with a maroon and yellow bandhani veil with a 2 inches checkered polyester magzi attached at the edge of the veil marked the period of mourning for a widow.

It is worth noting, however, that while the broad cultural context of white being preferable to black as a mourning colour among Hindu widows is well-documented, the specific colour coding mentioned above does not appear to be corroborated elsewhere. It is likely to be a unique local variation that, to the best of available resources, does not appear to have been documented previously. It is, therefore, recorded here as part of oral history.

Two Named Styles: Dangasi and Nauka

The weavers described two regional variations of the cloth. The Dangasi Sada, woven in a Badi Khodi or "big check" pattern, gets its name from the village of Dangawas, near Merta in the Nagaur district, where it was traditionally woven by the Meghwal community. Dangawas is also famous for regional folklore as the location of the historic Rathore-Maratha battle. The name Dangasi, however, does not appear to have any recorded history other than the oral history provided by the weavers, although the village of Dangawas' reputation as a place of battles appears to be corroborated elsewhere. The weavers described the Dangasi Sada as being woven in dark red, black, and sometimes in the deep green known in local dialect as Moongiya, and said that it was originally the Bishnoi community's traditional dress, before being adopted by the Jats and other communities  in the region .

This connection to the Bishnoi community and indigo dye is interesting in itself since the Bishnoi community, known to follow a strict set of 29 tenets , have a particular connection to avoiding the use of blue and violet clothes dyed with indigo. The reason for this is tied to the practice of uprooting large numbers of green shrubs in order to extract the indigo dye, which goes against the community's religious principles of living in harmony with nature.

By extension, this would explain the prevalence of green clothing in this particular community's traditional dress, including the use of green Moongiya dyes described by the weavers, while also applying to the avoidance of blue cloth.

The second variation of the cloth, known as the Nauka Sada, is woven in a Chhoti Khodi or "small check" pattern and gets its name from the village of Nauka. It is woven with a Do Nake Ka pattern mentioned by the weavers, and uses neutral, earthy brown, yellow, black and white colours. Both the village of Nauka and the Dangasi are only mentioned in oral history, and this variation of the cloth is hence presented as such.

The Khesla: When Cloth Became a Farm Tool

Alongside the Sada, Sahdev Ji described another coarse cloth called a Khesla, which had either been woven from white wool with a black border or Reza. He used to weave it on a four-treadle loom called the Char Pavdi, which is denser and sturdier than the loom used for the Sada, the weft of which required anywhere between three to six treadles, depending on the motif of the Sada’s check pattern.

The very quality of being dense and sturdy made this cloth ideal for use as a bag;  the Khesla was tied around the wearer's waist to make a khelo, a harvesting pouch for gathering crop pods and seed-heads, a task that Sahdev Ji called Sittiya Todna; and he further said the farmers placed their trust in the Khesla’s weave not to let any unwanted seeds or thorns through. The cloth, Khesla, his father used to weave was also turned into a Chola, a long-sleeved everyday wear tunic, which was especially valuable in keeping the wearer warm and protected from the sun.

It was around 40 years before this conversation, when he was in the ninth grade, that Sahdev Ji recalled the last time he saw the weaving industry before its decline;  in preparation for the Merta Mira Bai Fair, the weavers of Bhopalgarh used to work day and night to make as many as 1,000 to 1,500 pieces of Khesla & Jatta Sada per week in order to sell them at the fair. Merta city, located in Nagaur district, is indeed famous as the birthplace of the poetess and saint Mira Bai, who spent her childhood here with her grandfather, Rao Duda, and it is also home to the Charbhuja temple.

The Binayak Sari

The last aspect of the story narrated by Sahdev Ji concerns economics.

Weavers were on a systematic hireling system or contract. A merchant or seth would give the weavers raw cotton yarn and dye for weaving as a loan on the basis of which the weavers would return a stipulated weight of woven textile for jatta sada. For instance, the seth would advance 5 kg of yarn and 1 kg of dye for weaving and in turn be repaid with a cloth of 6 kg (in terms of its weight).

This method, which is essentially a type of contract system, has been extensively documented to exist in Bengal under the East India Company from the 17th century onwards under the nomenclature of the Dadni or Dadan system. There is however, no known documentation regarding the existence of this system, under any name, in Rajasthan during the recently concluded era, concerning which Sahdev Ji narrates the story.

In order to prepare the hand-rolled yarn for further processing on the loom, it was necessary to strengthen it for the higher pressure to which it would be stretched on the loom. This involved coating the yarn with a paste made from rice flour or starch, a procedure that both toughened and hardened the yarn ( a starching process called Kadap lagana). This additional weight of the cloth made it possible for the weavers to retain a certain proportion of the cloth as payment for their own share of the raw material used; thus, the actual cloth returned to the seth was only that much which weighed equaled the sum of the yarn and dye advanced to the weavers by the seth earlier.

The extra cloth thus obtained was called Binayak Saree. Since the cloth was neither paid for nor accounted for by the seth , the weavers took it to be the due reward for their labor. In the meantime, it allowed them to sell the surplus cloth to other merchants, or at the Merta fair, or directly to the Jat and Bishnoi women of the locality, thereby earning some money for their effort instead of the profits going to the seth entirely.

A Note on Method

Every single assertion of fact in this article that can possibly be checked against an independent public source was cross-validated with either academic papers, Wikipedia posts behind the journalistic citation standard, or craft and heritage research prior to being published, and is cited below. Any details that could not be validated by these methods (a particular number, a local term, a technique, or a cultural detail) are explicitly marked as being from the field informants.

Nothing in this article has been extrapolated, estimated, or made up beyond the quotation of the field sources, or beyond something that can be factually corroborated from either published research or the linked URLs. Every URL in the list below was active when the article was published.

References

Published and Documentary Sources

1. Alchetron. "Veer Teja." The Free Social Encyclopedia. https://alchetron.com/Veer-Teja
2. Wikipedia contributors. "Veer Teja." Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Veer_Teja
3. Gupta, Dr. Seema. "Veer Tejaji – The Symbol of Folk Faith." Central Asian Journal of Literature, Philosophy and Culture, Vol. 1, No. 1 (2020), pp. 40–46. https://cajlpc.casjournal.org/index.php/CAJLPC/article/view/58 (DOI: 10.51699/cajlpc.v1i1.58)
4. SAARTHI IAS. "Folk Gods of Rajasthan." https://iasaarthi.com/art-and-culture-of-rajasthan/folk-gods-of-rajasthan/
5. Wikipedia contributors. "Sursura." Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sursura
6. Jatland.com. "Dhavalapala," citing Mansukh Ranwa, Kshatriya Shiromani Veer Tejaji (2001), p. 13. https://www.jatland.com/home/Dhavalapala
7. Arooshi and Dr. Neeraj Rawat Sharma. "Weaving Tradition: The Ancient Art of Dhabhla in Kutch." Journal of Textile Science & Fashion Technology, Vol. 11, Issue 3 (2025). https://irispublishers.com/jtsft/fulltext/Weaving-Tradition-The-Ancient-Art-of-Dhabhla-in-Kutch.ID.000762.php (DOI: 10.33552/JTSFT.2025.11.000762)
8. Fibre2Fashion. "Dhabla: The Elegant Weave of the Deserts." https://www.fibre2fashion.com/industry-article/8021/dhabla-the-elegant-weave-of-thedeserts
9. Abirpothi. "Dhabla Weaving: A Unique Craft From The Deserts of India." https://www.abirpothi.com/dhabla-weaving-a-unique-craft-from-the-deserts-of-india/
10. Wikipedia contributors. "Kachchh shawl." Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kachchh_shawl
11. Wikipedia contributors. "Gauna." Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gauna
12. Associated Press / Fox News. "Breaking Taboo, Hindu Widows Celebrate Festival of Colors." https://www.foxnews.com/world/breaking-taboo-hindu-widows-celebrate-festival-of-colors.amp
13. Wikipedia contributors. "Rajputi poshak." Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rajputi_poshak
14. AZA Fashions. "The Ultimate Guide to Rajasthan – Heritage, Textiles & Traditional Style." https://www.azafashions.com/blog/the-ultimate-guide-to-rajasthan-heritage-textiles-traditional-style/
15. Taneira. "The Art of Gotapatti Sarees: Tradition and Elegance." https://www.taneira.com/blog/explore-craft-of-gotapatti-sarees.html
16. Rajasthan Studio. "Do You Know About the Beautiful Traditional Fabrics of Rajasthan?" https://rajasthanstudio.com/do-you-know-about-the-beautiful-traditional-fabrics-of-rajasthan/
17. Dwello. "Convert Hath to Feet." https://dwello.in/converter/hath-to-feet
18. Wikipedia contributors. "Hat'h." Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hat%27h
19. Trawell.in. "Merta, Pushkar." https://www.trawell.in/rajasthan/pushkar/merta
20. Wikipedia contributors. "Bishnoi." Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bishnoi
21. Wikipedia contributors. "Guru Jambheshwar." Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guru_Jambheshwar
22. Wikipedia contributors. "Merta City." Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Merta_City
23. Chittorgarh.com. "Places Related to Meera Bai (Mira Bai)." https://www.chittorgarh.com/article/meera-bai-places-related/245/
24. Banglapedia. "Dadni System." https://en.banglapedia.org/index.php/Dadni_System
25. Prepp.in. "Dadni System: What Was It Primarily Used For?" https://prepp.in/question/which-one-of-the-following-was-primarily-associate-664dff6e48b4bcbda2d4b8c1 

Primary Field Sources (Oral Testimony)

1. Sahdev Ji, master weaver, Bhopalgarh. Oral interview, field research on Jatta Sada, Jodhpur district, Rajasthan. 10–11 July 2026.
2. Mangilal Ji, weaver, Bhopalgarh. Oral interview, field research on Jatta Sada, Jodhpur district, Rajasthan. 10–11 July 2026.
3. Hiralal Ji, weaver, Bhopalgarh. Oral interview, field research on Jatta Sada, Jodhpur district, Rajasthan. 10–11 July 2026.
4. Badrinath Ji, weaver, Bhopalgarh. Oral interview, field research on Jatta Sada, Jodhpur district, Rajasthan. 10–11 July 2026.
5. Phularam Ji, weaver, Bhopalgarh. Oral interview, field research on Jatta Sada, Jodhpur district, Rajasthan. 10–11 July 2026.
6. Dharma Devi, wearer, Bhanwariya ki Dhani. Oral interview, field research on Jatta Sada, Jodhpur district, Rajasthan. 11 July 2026.
7. Bhagan Ram Bhanwariya, village resident and farmer, Bhanwariya ki Dhani. Oral interview, field research on Jatta Sada, Jodhpur district, Rajasthan. 11 July 2026.
8. Gauri Devi, wearer, Bhanwariya ki Dhani. Oral interview, field research on Jatta Sada, Jodhpur district, Rajasthan. 10–11 July 2026.
9. Field research compilation. Social & Cultural Narrative of Jatta Sada. Unpublished field document drawing on interviews and observation in Bhopalgarh, Kharna, Asop, Bawariyon ki Dhani, and Muklawas, Rajasthan.
10. Pappu Ram, wearer's son, Rohilla Kalan, Mulawas. Oral interview, field research on Jatta Sada, Jodhpur district, Rajasthan. 14 July 2026.
11. Son Lal Suthar, farmer, Tilwara, Pachpadra. Oral interview, field research on Jatta Sada, Balotra district, Rajasthan. 10–11 July 2026.
12. R.K. Sengwa, journalist and writer, Asop. Oral interview, field research on Jatta Sada, Jodhpur district, Rajasthan. 11 July 2026.

Jaata Saada: Material, Weaving and Construction in a Changing Textile Economy

Every textile begins with a material. Before it becomes a garment, fibre must be sourced, spun into yarn, dyed, prepared for weaving and finally transformed through the loom and the hands of the wearer. Each of these stages is shaped not only by technical knowledge but also by the economic systems through which materials circulate. The making of Jaata Saada therefore provides an opportunity to trace how the textile economy of Marwar changed over time from locally available wool and cotton to commercially supplied yarn, from natural to synthetic dyes, and from pit-loom weaving to frame and power looms.

1. From Fibre to Yarn: The Changing Raw Material

The earliest material economy surrounding Jaata Saada was closely connected to the pastoral landscape of Marwar. Sheep wool was widely available and circulated through local systems of exchange, making it an important fibre for everyday textiles. Fieldwork across Bhopalgarh, Asop, Bhanwariyon ki Dhani and other villages recalled an earlier woollen textile tradition, as Dabaliya, a heavy woollen skirt characterised by broad stripes and checks. Other woollen textiles, including Pattu, Khesla and camel-hair rugs, similarly formed part of this material landscape.

Field interviews also recalled a system locally remembered as khadai, through which wool could be exchanged for grain. Pastoral communities supplied wool, while weaving communities processed it into textiles. In this system, the availability of fibre was closely connected to the local ecology and to relationships between pastoralists, farmers and artisans.

Cotton followed a different trajectory. B. L. Bhadani's study of seventeenth-century Marwar records cotton cultivation around Merta under the local variety pival-van, also known as Merta cotton or Mithvania. Cotton therefore existed within the region long before industrialisation, although its cultivation was geographically uneven. More fertile parganas (groups of several villages) supported cotton production, while weaving centres elsewhere increasingly depended upon cotton arriving through trade.

 The shift from woollen textiles such as Dabaliya towards lighter cotton Jaata Saada can also be attributed to change in access to fibre. Cotton could move through the region's expanding commercial networks, allowing communities further from cultivation centres to obtain it.

Rajasthan's position between northern India and the ports of Gujarat made this circulation possible. Market centres such as Nagaur, Pali, Jodhpur, Bikaner and Ajmer connected rural producers with wider networks through which cotton and other textile materials moved.

Thus, by the time cotton became the dominant material for Jaata Saada, the fibre itself could already be understood as part of a larger commercial landscape.

The Laacha: From Cotton Fibre to Commercial Yarn

Traditionally, spinning could be undertaken within the household, with women participating in the preparation of yarn. As commercial networks expanded, however, weavers increasingly obtained ready-spun cotton yarn through merchants. During fieldwork, weavers referred to the Seth as the intermediary who supplied the raw material required for weaving.

The yarn was supplied in bundles known as laacha, also called soot dhaaga or white maal. A standard bundle weighed approximately five kilograms, and the weaver was expected to return five kilograms of finished material. The Seth could also supply dyes and other weaving requirements such as the naal, or shuttle.

The role of industrial spinning intensified this process. Machine-spun yarn, first imported from British textile industries and later produced in Indian mills, was more uniform in count and consistency than much traditionally spun yarn. In Rajasthan, mills such as Umaid Mills at Pali, established in 1940, became important sources remembered by weaving communities in the Jodhpur–Nagaur region.

Sahadev ji's recollections demonstrate this transition at the level of the individual weaver. His family had shifted from the traditional pit loom to the treadle loom, while the yarn available to them also changed in quality and preparation.

Dyeing: Colour, Material and Trade

Once the yarn was obtained, it was treated with mordant and dyed before weaving. The colours recorded for Jaata Saada include red, yellow, purple, black and green.

The earlier dyeing system depended on both local resources and regional trade. Rajasthan's textile traditions made use of indigo, madder, aal, lac, turmeric, pomegranate rind and iron-based preparations. Indigo was cultivated and traded extensively, while other dye materials circulated through established commercial networks.

Red shades could be produced from madder, aal and lac; yellow from turmeric and pomegranate rind; and dark shades from iron-based preparations, sometimes combined with indigo. These materials connected the colour of the textile to the ecological and commercial landscape from which dye resources were obtained.

Dyeing centres such as Pali, Jodhpur and Barmer developed within broader textile networks, while commercial routes brought materials from further afield.

The transition to synthetic dyes introduced another major change. From the late nineteenth century onwards, aniline and other commercially manufactured dyes entered Indian textile markets through expanding networks connecting Bombay, Ahmedabad and northern India. By the twentieth century, centres such as Pali, Balotra and Bhilwara increasingly used commercially produced dyes because they offered brighter and more consistent colours.

Sahadev ji's observations provide a direct indication of this change. He recalled that approximately 30–50 grams of dye had earlier been sufficient for a five-kilogram yarn bundle, whereas around 100–150 grams was now required. For him, this represented a decline in the quality or strength of the available dyes.

Thus, the colours of Jaata Saada cannot be separated from the history of its material supply.

Sizing: Preparing the Yarn for the Loom

After dyeing, the yarn is prepared for weaving through sizing. This stage is particularly important because it reveals a relationship between traditional technical knowledge and the properties of commercially available yarn.

The yarns are stretched between two wooden rods fixed in an open space outside the house. They are then coated with paan, a sizing paste made from wheat flour and water. The starch strengthens the warp, gives it weight and helps prevent the threads from breaking during weaving.

Sahadev ji specifically distinguished between fabrics produced on the older pit loom and those produced on later handloom or treadle looms. According to his recollection, the pit-loom fabric was coarser but acquired a smoother finish because of the starching process with paan. The later fabric used finer 20s-count yarn and did not undergo the same sizing process.

The changing yarn therefore affected the preparation required before weaving. Industrial yarn brought greater regularity and uniformity to the material, reducing some of the dependence on traditional preparation techniques while simultaneously changing the character of the finished cloth.

Warp Preparation

Once sized, the threads are wound onto the warp beam. The ends are tied to a wooden log called the Khuta. The new warp is then connected to the existing warp through the heald or heddle, which has already been passed through the reed.

After the connection is made, the warp is stretched by pulling the tension rope and is attached to another wooden roller at the front of the loom, which functions as the cloth beam.

This process establishes the basic structure within which the checked design will be produced. The increasing availability of commercially prepared yarn made this stage more predictable. Uniform industrial yarn could be supplied in consistent counts, allowing weavers to work with greater regularity than was possible with irregularly hand-spun yarn.

Weaving the Jaata Saada

The traditional Jaata Saada was woven on a pit loom. The weaver sits with their legs inside the pit and operates the treadles with their feet. The treadles control the heddle frames, opening and closing the shed through which the weft is inserted.

Three treadles are used in Jaata Saada weaving. Two are used for the body of the fabric, while the third is connected to the border. The weft is inserted using the naal, or shuttle, and the reed then beats the weft towards the fell of the cloth, securing the threads into a firm woven structure.

The body traditionally consisted of 27 Khodiya, although contemporary examples may contain between approximately 25 and 14. Each Khodiya is composed of a 3 × 3 arrangement of Khodi. The Khodi represents the individual unit of the check, while the Khodiya describes the larger grouping.

A 25-metre length takes approximately five to seven days to weave on the pit loom and produces around five Jaata Saada skirts. Weavers traditionally measure the fabric using haath, based on the distance from the elbow to the  middle finger.

The Border

The border provides particularly clear evidence of how technological change altered the physical construction of Jaata Saada.

The traditional pit-loom version has a body and border that are woven separately and subsequently joined through an interlocking technique. The yarns of the border interlock with those of the body, producing a strong junction and the characteristic dark border of the pit-loom fabric. This construction is locally associated with Khilwi Saada or Kaaniwala Saada.

On the frame or treadle loom, the body and border are woven simultaneously. The border therefore develops a different colour arrangement, including black, green and blue.

On the power loom, the weft travels continuously into the border, producing a cleaner and more mechanically uniform edge. The distinctive interlocking structure of the pit loom disappears.

Making of the skirt 

Because the traditional loom produced relatively narrow lengths of fabric, panels were joined to create the required width. This process, known as Khilan, was traditionally undertaken by the women who wore the garment.

The fabric was then arranged into pleats. One method involved measuring from Khodi to Khodi, ensuring that the checks aligned across the folds. Red was matched with red and green with green so that the grid remained visually continuous even after the fabric was pleated.

The density of these pleats also depended upon the amount of cloth available. A greater quantity of fabric allowed for a fuller skirt, meaning that pleating could become an indication of the wearer's economic circumstances.

Once the panels were joined, earlier the fabric was wrapped to form a tubular skirt, referred to as Uuch (ऊंच ). The garment was gathered at the waist and secured using a Naada.

In Bhanwariyon ki Dhani, the pleats are locally called Hadar. Once arranged, they were pressed under a heavy object for two to three days. A temporary basting stitch called Kaccha Dhago was then used to hold them in place.

Finally, a waistband was attached. It is known as Chin in Asop and Khirl in Bhanwariyon ki Dhani. A braided naada could be incorporated into the waistband, while the visible band could be embroidered or covered with printed fabric.

The garment was then adjusted to the women's height by folding the lower portion inward while keeping the border visible. This construction allowed the wearer to retain the visual prominence of the border and display silver anklets while also keeping the garment practical for movement and agricultural work.

From Local Looms to Industrial Production

The complete process from fibre to yarn, dyeing, sizing, weaving and garment construction was therefore gradually transformed by expanding commercial and industrial networks.

By the mid-twentieth century, Sahadev ji recalled approximately 150 active looms in Bhopalgarh, collectively producing around 500 pieces a week for markets beyond the immediate village. Bhopalgarh, Pipar, Asop, Jodhpur and Nagaur served as important weaving centres, supplying surrounding villages within a radius of approximately 10–15 kilometres.

Industrialisation eventually disrupted this network. Machine-made textiles offered cheaper and more uniform alternatives, while power looms could produce fabric more rapidly than traditional pit looms. At the same time, changing clothing preferences reduced the demand for Jaata Saada as everyday dress.

Today, across Nagaur and the Jodhpur–Nagaur border, both handwoven and power-loomed Jaata Saada were found repurposed into Gudadi, Raali, machine covers and household cloth. The textile therefore continues to exist materially, but increasingly outside the context for which it was originally woven.

Conclusion

Tracing Jaata Saada from fibre to finished garment reveals that its history is inseparable from the changing material economy of Marwar. Wool and locally exchanged resources formed part of an earlier pastoral economy; cotton entered through cultivation and increasingly through trade; yarn became commercially supplied through the Seth; natural dyes were supplemented and eventually displaced by synthetic ones; and industrial spinning and new looms altered both the production process and the physical construction of the textile.

Jaata Saada can therefore be read as a material record of economic change. Its construction preserves the knowledge of the weaver and wearer, while its materials and technologies reveal the wider networks of trade and industrialisation that made the garment possible and ultimately contributed to its transformation.

References

Bhadani, B. L. 1999. Peasants, Artisans and Entrepreneurs: Economy of Marwar in the Seventeenth Century. Jaipur: Rawat Publications.

Chauhan, Megha, and Pramila Choudhary. 2024. “Unstitched Narratives: Cultural and Ecological Significance of Desi Oon in Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh.” Fashion Highlight, no. 4. https://riviste.fupress.net/index.php/fh/article/view/2981/2028

Confederation of Indian Textile Industry (CITI) – Cotton Development and Research Association (CDRA). 2018. Activities of CITI–CDRA from 2008–09 to 2016–17: Cotton Development Projects in Lower Rajasthan. New Delhi: Confederation of Indian Textile Industry.

Gandhi, Avantika. 2017. IICD Craft Documentation. Jaipur: Indian Institute of Crafts & Design.

Gokarneshan, N. 2004. Fabric Structure and Design. New Delhi: New Age International Publishers.

Gupta, R. C. Rajasthan Through the Ages. Jaipur: Rajasthan State Archives. https://ia902905.us.archive.org/6/items/rajasthanthroughtheagesvol1_196_s/Rajasthan%20Through%20The%20Ages%20Vol%201_text.pdf

Indian Water Resources Information System (India-WRIS). n.d. https://indiawris.gov.in/wiki/doku.php?id=start

National Research Centre for Integrated Pest Management (NCIPM). n.d. Revolution in Indian Cotton. Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR). Accessed July 2026. https://nriipm.res.in/NCIPMPDFs/FOLDERS/RevolutioninIndianCotton_.pdf

Poddar, Lakshminarayan. History of Migration of the Marwaris to the Region Under Study: Forces and Factors. https://ir.nbu.ac.in/server/api/core/bitstreams/2dcd72b2-4f88-4b14-a71d-dcaf4db9406c/content

Prajapat, Mahaveer. n.d. “A Study of the Performance of Agriculture in the State of Rajasthan.” International Journal of Scientific Research (IJSR). Accessed July 2026. https://www.ijsr.in/upload/1262715799Chapter_34.pdf

Sandhu, Amandeep. 2022. Patterns of Identity: Hand Block Printed and Resist-Dyed Textiles of Rural Rajasthan. Academia.edu. Accessed July 2026. https://www.academia.edu/89503135/Patterns_of_identity_hand_block_printed_and_resist_dyed_textiles_of_rural_Rajasthan

Sharma, Nandini. 2025. “The Marwaris: Tracing the Rise and Growth of the Trading Communities from Marwar.” Indian Historical Review. https://doi.org/10.1177/03769836251334009

Possible Origins of term “Jatta/Jaata Saada”

The core garment of this study is “jatta/jaata saada”. This name is made of two parts, and each part tells us something different. "Saada" is the umbrella term for skirt, observed across fieldwork with its obvious different dialect pronunciation.

Charles Fabri's account, as cited in Biswas's Indian Costumes, describes the sari as a specific style of drape which was, the odhni extended and wound over the head, across the body, and around the waist, visually covering the ghagra and bodice beneath without replacing them (Figure 20 below from Indian Costumes ). This style became established as "the sari" by around 1790. In the north-western regions of India, particularly Rajasthan and Haryana, this same draping style is what the local term saada/saadi might have referred to. Its closeness in sound to "sari" supports this connection, though it remains a hypothesis based on resemblance rather than confirmed word history.

The former part of the name i.e.  "Jatta or Jaata" has varying pronunciations across the region that gives rise to various possibilities to the origin of the word , the term “Jaata/जाटा ” could have been derived from its association with the Jat community or from “Jatta/जट्टा  ”, meaning a lock or strand of hair. 

It is not uncommon for naming to be based on the community that wears it or region that it is originated from. This becomes clear when we look at other names for what seems to be the same kind of garment. Sahadev ji, weaver of Jatta Saada from Bhopalgarh, recorded "Gujjar Saada," a plain black version worn by the Gujjar community, and "Dangasari Saada", a red-and-green check saree worn by the Bishnoi community in Dangavas area of Rajasthan. The Dangasari Saada is known to have bigger and wider checks.

How the Name Changes Across Regions

When we place the region-based terms on a map, the word for the garment adapts slowly, moving from village to village, more like a fading pattern than a hard line. Four broad areas stand out in the data.

Bhopalgarh, Asop, Nagaur, and the Jodhpur border area. This is where the term Jatta Saada is used most often and most plainly. Even within this same area, other words are used too. Dharma Devi, from Bhanwariyon ki Dhani, uses Haadi/हाड़ी   or haadiya/हाड़िया . In Jodhpur, the finished garment is called Haada/Hadiyo, while the unstitched woven cloth is called Hajiyon/हाजियों. So even one small area holds more than one name for the same object.

Jhorda, near the Nagaur–Bikaner border. Here the words shift to Sadti/ साड़टी or सादटी   , meaning Jatta saada, and Sadiyo or साडियो  , block-printed skirt with linear motifs, both recorded from Komal Saran, a jaat girl from the village. This is also the place where block printing first appears in the record. Until this point, the garment was understood as a woven cloth only. So the change in name and the change in craft technique happen in the same place.

Napasar, inside Bikaner. Informants here know about Jaata saada but do not wear it themselves. They call it Chanda (चंदा )Saree instead. This is the clearest case of a name breaking away from actual use. People in Napasar can recognise the garment and know it belongs to people "towards Nagaur," but their own terminology for it, chanda saree, does not appear to come from "saada" at all.

Barmer, Sindhari, and Hodu, moving toward Jaisalmer. Here we find, woolen skirt refereed as Dhabli/ढाबली andJakki, the word for unstitched Jatta Saada (recorded by Ranamal Khatri).

Although Jatta Saada appears to be a simple garment, it is composed of a number of distinct components, each known by its own local name and associated with a specific stage of construction or function. The principal components are as follows:

1. Khodiya, refers to the entire check or square , as seen above, the entire 3x3 forms a Khodiya, whereas Khodi refers to one unit of check or square. In Marwari dialect, Khodi (खोड़ी) also refers to a narrow path along a farm boundary which we can see is visually synonymous to grid appearing on the textile.

2. In Marwari, Kota (कोता) refers to something small, little, or reduced in quantity. In Jatta Saada, this same term is used for a pattern where four lines run together with a gap between them, as shown in the figure above. 

3. The local terminology distinguishes the bare reed (Pandi), its frame (peti), and the two combined from loom-ready which is called Chillar. The entire weft length can be translated to as Chilladiya, a singular longitudinal line.

4. Kana (कणा) are multiple lines in white, woven tightly together at the hem. In everyday Rajasthani usage, the same word means near, close by, or next to;  a meaning that fits the placement of these lines, set close together.

5. Mothda (मोठड़ा) comes from the word moth (lentil or pulse), since the small, tiny zigzag lines formed within the grid resemble tiny lentils in shape.

6. Khilwi Saada/ Kaaniwala Saada ( खिलवी साडा  / कानीवाला साडा ) refers to saada woven exclusively on pit loom with an interlocking weft technique, made possible because the loom allowed the body and border to be woven separately and then joined.

The Woollen Textile Tradition 

Before the widespread adoption of cotton, sheep wool was abundant across Marwar, making it an accessible fibre for everyday textiles, blankets, and mixed-fibre fabrics combining camel hair and wool.

Dhabla (ढ़ाबला), also referred to as Dhabaliya (ढ़ाबलिया) or Dhabaliyo (ढ़ाबलियो), was a standard woollen textile in the region. Traditionally woven from desi oon (देशी ऊन), it was characteristically found in black-and-white checks as well as red-striped variations. Its use was not restricted to a single form: the textile was utilised as a shawl as well as wrapped around the lower body to form a tubular skirt, locally referred to as Uunch (ऊंच), as described earlier.

Terminology of the Unstitched Cloth 

The woven fabric as well had varying names in different regions before it was set, pleated and stitched by the women. As mentioned before, the pronunciation for Jatta Saada in Rohila Kalan near Central Jodhpur is recorded as Hadiyo (हाडियो), similarly the unstitched woven cloth is referred Hajiyon (हाजियों). 

Whereas in Northern Rajasthan towards Nagaur, the unstitched woven cloth is referred to as Khilsar (खिलसर), and likewise mentioned before the stitched skirt was recognised as Jatta Saada as well local pronunciation as Haadi/Haadiya. 

Similarly in Western Rajasthan towards Barmer and Jaisalmer, Ranamal Khatri describes the unstitched Jatta Saada fabric as Jakki (जक्की). 

Panel Joining and Garment Construction 

Since the textile was woven on pit looms ( locally called Khaddo/खड्डो)  in narrow widths, two separate woven panels were joined together to achieve the desired width, extending to either the ankles or the mid-calf. This central seam was locally known as Khilan (खिलन), while the act of joining the two panels was referred to as Khillana (खिलणा).

Once the panels were joined, the fabric was wrapped to form a tubular skirt, referred to as Uuch (ऊंच ) by R.K. Sengwan during fieldwork in Asop. The garment was gathered at the waist and secured using a Naada (drawstring), rope.

With the introduction of the frame loom, an Ekpana (एकपना) variation of Jatta Saada emerged, eliminating the need to join two separate woven panels. The term derives from ek (one) and pana (panel), literally meaning "single-panel."

Pleating and setting the skirt 

The setting of the skirt was traditionally carried out by the patron and varied according to the wearer's economic status, with the number and density of pleats often reflecting material affordability. The fabric was carefully arranged into pleats, locally referred to as Hadar (हदर) in Bhanwariyon ki Dhani near Bhopalgarh.

Once arranged, the pleats or Hadar were set in place by applying weight. They were then temporarily secured with a basting stitch called Kaccha Dhago (कच्चा धागो). Finally, the skirt was finished with a waistband, known as Chin (चिन) in Asop and Khirl (खिर्र्ल) in Bhanwariyon ki Dhani.

Regional Colour and Check Variations 

The colour vocabulary associated with Jatta Saada includes a range of locally used terms that describe both basic colours and more specific shades. The terms recorded include Laal (लाल) for red, Jamini (जामिनी) for purple, Hara (हरा) for muted green, Popat (पोपट) for bright green, Peela (पीला) for yellow, Kaala (काला) for black, and Safed (सफ़ेद) for white. Jaani devi, 70 years old from Bhopalgarh, also provided a more specific set of colour terms These included Dholo (धोलो) for white, Khatiya (खटिया) for Maroon, Aasmani (आसमानी) for Blue, and Kaalo Gatto (कालो गट्टो) for a black border.

Sahadev Ji observes that the colours and scale of checks used in Jatta Saada vary from one region to another. His observations are based on the Jatta Saada he produced and the areas to which he supplied it, offering an indication of regional preferences in both colour and check size.

In Dangawas, a village in Merta tehsil of Nagaur district, the region-specific Dangasi Saari is characterised by relatively larger Khodi (checks), with Khatiya (maroon) and Moongiya (muted green) among the colours worn. In contrast, the Nauka Saari, named after its place of origin, is woven with comparatively smaller checks. The colours associated with this variation include Safed (white), Tota/Popat (bright green), dark brown, and Peela (yellow).

Similar regional preferences are observed elsewhere. In Baawri located in Jodhpur District of Rajasthan, purple-and-white Jatta Saada are prominent, while in Dhanawali,a small rural village located in the Bari tehsil of Dholpur district , brown-and-green combinations are observed.

Conclusion 

The study of Jatta Saada reveals a textile whose identity cannot be contained within a single name, construction, material or visual form. Across the regions documented through fieldwork, the garment appears through an evolving vocabulary.

These variations help us understand how the textile exists within different local contexts. The changing terminology points to a garment whose identity is not fixed at the moment of production, but continues to be shaped by the people who weave, wear, name and adapt it.

The possible origins of the name itself remain open, and this uncertainty is significant.This makes the vocabulary surrounding the garment a record of how knowledge about the textile is held and transmitted within communities.

The garment remains recognisable across regions despite the many names and terms assigned to it by the different people involved in its making, wearing and circulation. Each term reflects a particular relationship with the textile, carrying its own local meaning and context. Taken together, these variations in terminology provide an indication of the garment’s geographical reach and the extent to which it has spread within different communities and textile networks across Rajasthan.

Glossary

Garment and Regional Names

Jatta / Jaata Saada — The principal term used in this study for the checked skirt documented across different regions of Rajasthan. Its pronunciation and associated terminology vary regionally.

Saada / Saadi — An umbrella term for the skirt, with dialectal variations recorded during fieldwork. Its possible relationship to historical draping terminology remains a hypothesis.

Haadi / Haadiya — Regional terms recorded for Jatta Saada in Bhanwariyon ki Dhani.

Haada / Hadiyo — Terms recorded for the finished garment in Jodhpur and Rohila Kalan near Central Jodhpur.

Sadti / Sadiyo — Terms recorded in Jhorda near the Nagaur–Bikaner border for Jatta Saada and related skirt forms. Sadiyo is also associated with a block-printed skirt with linear or round motifs.

Chanda Saree — The term used by informants in Napasar, Bikaner, who recognised Jatta Saada but did not wear it themselves. Also, “Chanda” refers to a sharp/fierce woman in Rajasthani.

Gujjar Saada — A plain black version recorded by Sahadev ji and associated with the Gujjar community.

Dangasari Saada — A red-and-green checked variation associated with the Bishnoi community in the Dangavas area, characterised in the field record by relatively large checks.

Unstitched Cloth and Material

Hajiyon — Term recorded for the unstitched woven cloth in the Jodhpur/Rohila Kalan area.

Khilsar — Term recorded for the unstitched woven cloth in northern Rajasthan towards Nagaur.

Jakki — Term recorded by Ranamal Khatri for unstitched Jatta Saada fabric towards Barmer and Jaisalmer.

Dhabla / Dhabaliya / Dhabaliyo — Woollen textile.

Desi Oon — Local/indigenous sheep wool

Weaving and Pattern Vocabulary

Khodi — One unit of a check or square. In Marwari, the term also refers to a narrow path along a farm boundary.

Khodiya — The larger check or square formation; the recorded example shows a 3×3 formation as a Khodiya.

Kota — A pattern consisting of four lines running together with a gap between them. The term also has a Marwari meaning associated with something small or reduced in quantity.

Pandi — The bare reed of the loom.

Peti — The frame in which the reed is mounted.

Chillar — The reed mounted within its frame and seated in the sley/batten assembly.

Chilladiya — A singular longitudinal line within the woven structure.

Kana — Multiple closely spaced white lines woven at the hem.

Mothda — Small zigzag lines formed within the grid, associated with moth, meaning lentil or pulse.

Construction and Finishing

Khaddo — Pit loom 

Khilwi Saada / Kaaniwala Saada — A Saada woven on a pit loom that shows the interlocking technique of the body and the border.

Khilan — The central seam formed by joining two woven panels.

Khillana — The act of joining the two woven panels.

Uuch / Uunch — The tubular skirt form created by wrapping the textile after the panels have been joined.

Ekpana — A single-panel variation of Jatta Saada associated with the frame loom. The term is explained in the paper as deriving from ek (one) and pana (panel).

Hadar — Pleat or pleats formed while setting the skirt.

Kaccha Dhago — Temporary basting thread/stitch used to hold the pleats in place.

Chin — Term for the waistband recorded in Asop.

Khirl — Term for the waistband recorded in Bhanwariyon ki Dhani.

Naada — Drawstring used to secure the skirt around the waist.

Colour Vocabulary

Laal — Red.

Jamini — Purple.

Hara — Muted green.

Popat / Tota — Bright green.

Peela — Yellow.

Kaala — Black.

Safed — White.

Dholo — White; a more locally specific term recorded from Jaani Devi in Bhopalgarh.

Khatiya — Maroon.

Aasmani — Blue.

Kaalo Gatto — Black border.

Moongya — Muted green, recorded in relation to the Dangasi variation.

References

Biswas, Arindam. Indian Costumes. Available through Internet Archive: https://archive.org/details/INDIANCOSTUMES

Chauhan, Megha, and Pramila Choudhary. “Unstitched Narratives: Cultural and Ecological Significance of Desi Oon in Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh.” Fashion Highlight, no. 4, 2024, pp. 40–49. https://doi.org/10.36253/fh-2981.

Anjas. Rajasthani Dictionary. Anjas. https://anjas.org/rajasthani-dictionary/

Rajasthani Sabadkosh. Rajasthani Sabadkosh. Digital dictionary based on the lexical work of Dr. Sitaram Lalas and other Rajasthani dictionaries. https://www.rajsabadkosh.org/

Wikimedia Commons. “Map of Rajasthan.” Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Map_rajasthan_dist_7_div.png

Craft and Visual Documentation Sources

Gandhi, Avantika. IICD Craft Documentation. 2017. Indian Institute of Crafts & Design, Jaipur.

Choudhary, Pramila. “Anchi Devi Wearing a Woollen Skirt.” Photograph reproduced in Chauhan, Megha, and Pramila Choudhary, “Unstitched Narratives: Cultural and Ecological Significance of Desi Oon in Rajasthan and Himachal Pradesh.” Fashion Highlight, no. 4, 2024, pp. 40–49.

Primary Fieldwork and Oral Sources

Fieldwork conducted by the author across Jodhpur, Nagaur, Bikaner, Balotra and Barmer districts, Rajasthan, 2024–2026.

Sahadev Ji. Jatta Saada weaver, Bhopalgarh, Jodhpur. Personal communication and field interview.

Dharmadevi Ji. Bhanwariyon ki Dhani, Jodhpur. Personal communication and textile documentation.

R.K. Sengawan Ji. Asop, Jodhpur. Personal communication and textile documentation.

Bau Devi. Kharnal, Nagaur. Personal communication and textile documentation.

Nanni Devi. Firod, Nagaur. Personal communication and textile documentation.

Komal Saran. Jhorda, Nagaur. Personal communication and field interview.

Rukmani Devi. Napasar, Bikaner. Personal communication and textile documentation.

Lalaram Nai. Sindhari, Balotra. Personal communication and textile documentation.

Keraram Magatram Meghwal and Kabu Devi. Hodu, Barmer. Personal communication and textile documentation.

Jaani Devi. Bhopalgarh, Jodhpur. Personal communication concerning regional colour terminology and Jatta Saada.

Fufadevi Ji. Bhopalgarh, Jodhpur. Personal communication and textile documentation.

Ranamal Khatri. Oral account concerning the term Jakki for unstitched Jatta Saada fabric.

Ravi Veer Choudhary. Professor, IIHT, Jodhpur. Personal communication.

Vyas Ji. Khadi Gram Udyog, Bikaner. Personal communication and textile documentation.